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Volume 54January—FebruaryPages 67— Cultural concepts regarding women's sexuality, shame and morality constrained survivors. Across activism and government responses ideas of patriarchy and national shame or honour persist. It asks how and why activists in the specific historical context of New Order Indonesia, the cultural context of Indonesia, the global rise in human rights claims and a new openness to war redress in Japan were variously budi rahardjo trading options and enabled in their advocacy.
Drawing on recent research into the budi rahardjo trading options of emotions and social movements the paper analyses how and why Indonesian activists appealed to certain emotions to gain support within Indonesia and Japan for compensation. A focus on emotions and the political and cultural contexts surrounding early Indonesian activism allows us to better understand the local framing, reception and outcomes of this global protest movement in Indonesia.
From the s onwards, a small number of women from Asia and the Netherlands began to publicly identify themselves as survivors of the enforced prostitution imposed by the Japanese military during World War Two, in the context of new claims for war reparations and new recognition of rape as a war crime.
Lawyers, women's rights activists and other claimants for war-time damages supported them in this process. The movement became truly transnational relying on networks of people across the region of Asia. Yet most of the voluminous and impressive literature analysing this budi rahardjo trading options activism focuses on Japan and Korea, with very little scholarly attention budi rahardjo trading options Indonesia.
One reason for this is that Indonesian activism has been far more limited, budi rahardjo trading options it represents an important part of the story.
Focusing on the s this paper begins to chart the history of early Indonesian activism for survivors of the system. They include survivors, lawyers, human rights activists and other persons seeking justice for their treatment during the war, including former Indonesian soldiers serving in the Japanese army.
I ask how and why activists in the specific historical context of the military-dominated New Order regime —the cultural context of Indonesia, the global rise in human rights claims and a new openness to war redress in Japan were variously constrained and enabled in their advocacy. To understand both the constraints and enabling factors more fully, the paper examines the socially coded emotions surrounding sexual violence, and how and why activists appealed to certain emotions to gain support within Indonesia and Japan for recognition and compensation.
Next the paper sets out the global context in which activism began. I examine Indonesian reactions to global activism as a way of analysing the cultural and emotional concepts first used to frame the issue and Indonesian survivors' experiences. I highlight how specific ideas about women, shame and budi rahardjo trading options within Indonesian Islam initially constrained the disclosure of experiences of sexual violence.
The paper then begins to analyse three different forms of Indonesian activism: Here I reflect comparatively on reasons why Indonesian activism may have lagged behind Korean and Japanese activism on this issue, and indeed awaited prodding from Japanese budi rahardjo trading options, and explain budi rahardjo trading options reasons for shifts and continuities in the emotions expressed within activism and the purposes of these expressions.
I examine the limited support provided by the Indonesian government and the reasons for this, including the concept of national shame. Lastly the paper analyses another intervention on this topic by an Indonesian lawyer and an activist writer.
I argue that a focus on emotions allows us to better understand the local framing and reception of this protest movement in Indonesia and gradual shifts in the framing of this issue. In Indonesia the Japanese term jugun ianfu military comfort woman or just ianfu comfort woman is most commonly used.
When applying the term I signal its contestation through the use of inverted commas. Since the pioneering work of Goodwin, Jasper, and Polletta scholars of social movements have begun to pay more attention to emotions in social action and social relations. Focusing on the movement against child sexual abuse that emerged out budi rahardjo trading options feminist anti-rape campaigns, for example, Whittierp.
In her close examination of the Korean context budi rahardjo trading options which survivors have spoken out, Sarah Budi rahardjo trading optionspp.
In Indonesia there are, similarly, culturally specific ideas associated with the emotions people may feel or express in response to the budi rahardjo trading options of rape such as the concept of aib stainwhich fits in with very specific ideas of shame brought upon a family. Across the literature on emotions and social movements and emotions in history, however, there are multiple definitions of what constitutes emotions.
This approach budi rahardjo trading options for an analysis of emotions as felt, as well as managed, regulated, cultivated, performed, named and communicated. It budi rahardjo trading options allows us a way to understand the local cultural framing surrounding the emotions that multiple actors have used and abused as part of, or in response to, Indonesian activism on this issue.
The most dominant emotions budi rahardjo trading options in Indonesian activism are shame, humiliation, anger, honour and dignity. The expression of these emotions and specific variants of them is nuanced by gender and cultural norms. The emotions survivors convey in activism and public statements of course do not capture all the emotions that they felt in their lives, which may have also included joy based on other life experiences.
I do not mean to suggest that survivors are bound by those emotions. Instead, I would like to highlight the performance of particular emotions, or their use as a rhetorical strategy in budi rahardjo trading options and the cultural budi rahardjo trading options surrounding these performances, as a way of better understanding activism and its effects.
As a historian I believe it is important to pay attention not only to expression of emotions in a cultural context, but to also understand the surrounding historical and political contexts within which this activism occurred.
Throughout the paper I reflect on the historical and cultural contexts surrounding this activism in the early to mids. Women were budi rahardjo trading options tricked into sexual slavery with promises of becoming performers, getting an education or training as nurses in distant locations. Some were sent to distant islands or other countries based on these promises, only to find themselves working in forced prostitution.
The reason these cases are more thoroughly documented is that they were investigated in post-war trials organised by the Netherlands. Only the forced enslavement of Dutch and Eurasian women was investigated in the immediate post-war period. Indonesian attitudes towards the Japanese Occupation have always been ambiguous. The Japanese were at first welcomed by Indonesians because they quickly defeated the white colonial power of the Budi rahardjo trading options and promised a brighter shared future based on Asian co-prosperity with the Japanese as leaders Reid,pp.
Mark has argued that there is a lingering ambivalence towards the Occupation, due to extensive local collaboration and the nationalist desire for a simplified story of Japanese cruelty and Indonesian resistance. Another reason for this ambivalence is that the Japanese assisted Indonesians in preparing for independence, which was declared by Sukarno on 17 August shortly after the atomic bombs were dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
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